The first video that came to my mind when I watched a YouTube video of a Palestinian girl being dragged off a bridge in Gaza, Israel, last summer, was of the young boy that I watched my own daughter with when she was a child.
It was then that I realized that I too had been traumatized by that moment, as I was also traumatized, for some of my own children as well.
It has been many years since I have been able to recall what I felt.
My first recollection of the incident came in 2014, when I saw my own child being killed, after she was injured by an Israeli airstrike.
My second recollection came in 2016, when a group of my children were shot by an IDF soldier.
My third recollection came last fall, when my own son, who was 14, was wounded in a suicide attack.
The events that took place in Gaza last summer are still with me.
My daughter was just 14 when the IDF shot her on a bridge, after which she died.
I saw her face as she died in front of me.
She was a beautiful girl, and the death of her brought me grief and pain.
But I cannot imagine what it was like for my children as they were still a few months old when they were wounded.
The IDF soldier that shot my daughter, Yael Mofaz, later confessed that he had not shot her at all.
When I asked what he meant, he responded, “It was not my intention.”
I did not realize at the time that the army was responsible for shooting my child.
In my mind, the shooting was done by a soldier who was trying to save my daughter.
When the incident was exposed, the army apologized, and a new investigation was launched.
In 2017, when Israel launched a new operation to target the militant group Hamas, the IDF admitted that it had killed the girl, but denied it had been responsible for her death.
A report published by Human Rights Watch, released in 2018, found that while the IDF had admitted shooting a child, the soldier’s account was not true, and that the girl’s death was an accident.
The army has been accused of repeatedly violating the rights of civilians, particularly children, in the Gaza Strip.
In May 2018, I visited Gaza, where I have worked as a news reporter for nearly two decades, and met with an army colonel who served in the military in the 1970s.
He told me that the military had admitted to the use of live ammunition during the 2006 war with Hamas, but that the soldiers responsible had been punished for their actions.
He said that soldiers had been sent to prison for years after the incident, and some had even been forced to retire.
“When you’re young, you have an idea of what you can and cannot do,” he said.
“But when you’re in the army, you are a criminal.
I have never seen anything like this.”
I was stunned to learn that the Israeli military had a history of abusing its civilians in the West Bank.
Since the beginning of the Second Intifada, when the Palestinians attacked Israelis, the Israeli army has repeatedly used live ammunition against Palestinians, especially in the occupied West Bank, which is located under full Israeli military control.
It is now the only force in the world that can fire live ammunition at civilians.
This practice of shooting live ammunition has been used to kill civilians and to force civilians into hiding, according to testimonies by soldiers who have testified to Human Rights watch.
The Israeli army routinely carries out attacks on Palestinian civilians and other non-combatants, which have resulted in more than 300 Palestinians and dozens of Israeli civilians, mostly children, being killed by live ammunition in the past six years.
On several occasions, Israeli soldiers have opened fire on unarmed Palestinian civilians, injuring them or killing them in cold blood.
I spent more than a year interviewing soldiers, including many who were captured in the conflict and killed by Israeli forces.
I interviewed soldiers who had witnessed live fire from Israeli helicopters, or fired live ammunition into a crowd, as well as soldiers who were killed in action.
I spoke to dozens of soldiers who witnessed live gunfire, or who witnessed an Israeli sniper killing an unarmed Palestinian in cold, blood.
In all, I interviewed more than 20 soldiers, most of whom were released by the Israeli government following their testimonies to Human Right Watch.
I heard their stories firsthand.
In 2016, I met a soldier from the army’s 8th Brigade, a unit that has been fighting the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL, also known as ISIS).
His name is Assem Abu Jundi.
He served as a medic during the Second Lebanon War.
He was captured during the war by the Lebanese Resistance and later was killed in Syria.
In 2018, he wrote an article for the Jerusalem Post that called for the establishment of a special prosecutor for all violations of human rights committed during the Israeli occupation.
Abu Jindi, who lives in the